2013, Vol., No.110

The Background of Establishing Paegangjin in the Reign of King Seongdeok in Silla

Park Namsoo | 2013, (110) | pp.1~46 | number of Cited : 26

Deukyoung Kwon | 2013, (110) | pp.47~86 | number of Cited : 7

The “King is Buddha” Tradition in East Asia and King Gungye(弓裔), the Maitreya Buddha

Kwangyeon Park | 2013, (110) | pp.87~122 | number of Cited : 18

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In previous research, the belief in Maitreya’s future descent into this world was a teaching disseminated by Jinpyo(眞表) in the later Silla(新羅) era, along with the Buddhist doctrine of the “Age of Degenerate Dharma.” This was the background for King Gung-ye’s(ruled in Later Goguryeo 後高句麗from 901～918) claim to be the incarnation of Maitreya Buddha. (This was very confusing) In this paper, I have added more background. Firstly, the Maitreya faith of the later Silla’s royal family in the 9th century is another background I would like to add. In the reign of King Gyeongmun(景文王r.861～875), once a member of Silla’s Hwarang(花郞 Youthful Warriors), all Seon monks were revered as Maitreya Buddhas. The belief in the coming of Maitreya was propagated so that people would view the king as a “wheel-turning sage king(轉輪聖王Skt. cakravartin)”. Secondly, Seon monks of the later Silla period believed in the coming of Maitreya. Unlike the Seon(禪Ch. Chan) Buddhism of Tang(唐China), in Silla, Seon monks who believed in Maitreya also believed that Kāśyapa(迦葉) was waiting for Maitreya to descend on Mt. Kukkuṭapāda(鷄足山in Magadhā 摩揭陀). There is also the possibility that Seon monks who anticipated the coming of Maitreya actively propagated the belief that King Gung-ye was the Maitreya Buddha. Thirdly, Zetian Wuhou(武則天624–705, a Tang 唐empress), who claimed to be a Cakravartin(wheel-turning sage king) and Maitreya Buddha, is more evidence of the East Asian belief that kings are Buddhas. Like Zetian Wuhou, who ascended to the throne citing spurious scriptures such as the Mahāmegha-sūtra(大雲經) and the Ratnamegha-sūtra(寶雨經), King Gung-ye himself wrote more than 20 volumes of such scriptures Through these cases, we can better understand King Gung-ye’s claim to be Maitreya Buddha as a manifestation of the East Asian belief in the “King is Buddha”, as well as the belief in the coming of Maitreya held by monks and the royal family in 9th century Silla. Even though King Gung-ye’s claim to be Maitreya lasted less than 10 years, it is an interesting case of the existence of the “King is Buddha” tradition on the Korean Peninsula.

A review on the Sajeon that appeared in relation to cultivation of Jinjeon(陳田, wildland) of Sikhwaji in 『Goryeosa』

Oh, Chi-Hoon | 2013, (110) | pp.123~160 | number of Cited : 4

In the Goryeo era, Jeonsigwa(田柴科) was provided to those who performed government service or were in charge of a certain Jikyeok(職役). Jeonsigwa concerned granting land and the right to obtain firewood, in other words, Siji(柴地). However, the land which was divided and distributed under Jeonsigwa was not to be directly given but only some amount of grains produced from the land were granted. The right to obtain some amount of grains is called Sujogwon(收租權, the right of collecting land tax). The land whose Sujogwon was commissioned to Yangban(兩班) bureaucrats under the system of Jeonsigwa was Yangbanjeon(兩班田). However, in the historical records at the time, Yangbanjeon was often expressed as Sajeon(私田). This is different from today's private land, but just in that Jo(租, land tax) belonged to individuals, not the government, it was called Sajeon. However, there are some cases where private land was called Sajeon and therefore special caution is needed when interpreting Sajeon of the Goryeo era. This paper reviewed Sajeon that appeared in relation to cultivation of Jinjeon(陳田, wildland) of Sikhwaji(食貨志) Geonje(田制) Jose(租稅) in Goryeosa(高麗史) and was able to find the followings. Sajeon that appears in panmun(判文, regulation) on Jinjeon cultivation was Sujoji(收租地) like Yangbanjeon. Therefore, unlike cultivation of private land, the government prescribed distribution of crops between Jeonju(田主) and Jeonho(佃戶). This is verified twice in the 24th year of King Gwangjong(光宗, 973) and the 6th year of King Yejong(睿宗, 1111). The regulation on cultivation during Gwangjong’s regime was a preliminary work for Jeonsigwa to be implemented three years later and reflected the result of transfer of political powers like purge of Hojok(豪族). King Gwangjong purged Hojok and meritorious retainers and appointed new powers in order to assume them as the basis of his politics. As a result there was disorder in land ownership by taking land owned by old powers and giving it to new bureaucrats. Jinjeon resulted from such political chaos and restrictions by agricultural environment. Accordingly, in 973, three years before the establishment of Jeonsigwa, the regulation on Jinjeon cultivation in order to create a systematic land distribution system was needed. The regulation on Jinjeon cultivation during Yejong’s regime resulted from poor management of Sajeon. Jinjeon cultivation and preliminary operational methods determined in early Goryeo era were not observed over time. Accordingly, bureaucrats illegally took Jo(租) from Jeonho or negligently managed Guninjeon(軍人田), triggering problems like soldiers' bankruptcy. As a result, in the 6th year of King Yejong, new regulation on the distribution of crops was made in relation to Jeonho and Sajeon owners, thereby seeking stable management of Sajeon.

認識과 選擇: 高麗의 中樞院設置와 唐, 宋樞密院

Ryu Jun Hyoung | 2013, (110) | pp.161~204 | number of Cited : 3

The Manchu-Korean Expeditions to the Amur: A New Historical Setting in Mid-Seventeenth-Century Northeast Asia

Seung Bum Kye | 2013, (110) | pp.205~246 | number of Cited : 21

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Existence forms of the class with no surnames and achievement routes of surname and origin in the late Joseon Dynasty

KyungRan Kim | 2013, (110) | pp.247~284 | number of Cited : 7

Appointment of Bureaucratic Officials and Power Relations in the Early Cheoljong Period under a Regency by Queen Sunwon

Hyeryun Lim | 2013, (110) | pp.285~326 | number of Cited : 11

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This paper discusses the three-year period following King Cheoljong’s coming to the throne, when the nation was under a regency by Queen Sunwon. The aim is to examine the practice of appointing bureaucratic officials and to understand power relations of those times. The political power of the early part of King Cheoljong period was led by the maternal relatives of the king, who were the Kims of Andong and the Hongs of Namyang. Also, it was the Office of Border Defense that was in the center of the authority. In specific, the core government officials were Yusa-dangsang (a permanent member of the Office of Border Defense) from the Office of Border Defense and Dangsang who could participate in recommending government officials, where a number of the Kims of Andong and their relatives entered to obtain political power. In addition, many government officials were connected by marriage. Similar with this, there was considerable number of the Hongs of Namyang and their relatives, too. It was through the Office of Border Defense that the Kims of Andong could advance to significant political position. To sum up, the Office of Border Defense was provided as an institutional strategy. However, the political relationship of King Cheoljong and that of Heonjong was quite different: The political balance between the Kims of Andong and the Jos of Pungyang was achieved according to the King Sunjo’s will. The King Heonjong died; however, he was not able to have a son to carry on his throne. Therefore, the King Cheoljong came to the new throne by the Queen Sunwon instead. Thus, it was the maternal relatives’ political position that enabled them to seize power during the King Cheoljong’s ruling. Also, the Kims of Andong were able to begin gaining political ground during the period of regency by the Queen Sunwon. Also, Cheoljong’s queen consort was selected from the Kims of Andong as well, which allowed the Kims of Andong to retain their political status as the maternal relatives of a king.

The Realities of ‘Colonial City’ Cheongjin under Japanese Occupation

SONG, Kue-jin | 2013, (110) | pp.327~390 | number of Cited : 32

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Cheongjin, which was constructed newly at the time of Japanese occupation but became the fourth largest city in Chosun in 1944 in terms of population, could be regarded as a representative ‘colonial city’. It was after the Russo-Japanese War when Cheongjin became a logistical base for the war, attracting civilian dwellers as well. The name Cheongjin itself was named by a Japanese military unit. In Cheongjin, Japanese organizations maintained a close linkage with colonial elites, who encouraged them to establish an association of Japanese dwellers and the chamber of commerce. Japanese leaders in Cheongjin had continuously lobbied the Japanese government, the Japanese Diet and the Office of the Governor General in Chosun to settle various pending local issues in their favor. These efforts laid the groundwork for the development of Cheongjin. When a railroad system started to be constructed to transport war supplies, Japanese leaders in Cheongjin launched a strenuous campaign for railroad construction to expand their sphere of commerce into northeastern Manchuria. The steady campaign led to the opening of the Hamgyeong Line and the Gilhoe Line. Another important catalyst for the development of Cheongjin was the establishment of a sea route. Even when the Japanese government suffered from financial difficulties, the Japanese leaders in Cheongjin lobbied successfully for the designation of direct sea routes to its port. The expansion of harbor facilities and the improvement of water supply and drainage systems caused an explosive increase in the population of Cheongjin and spurred economic growth. As much as the city expanded, ‘Colonial City’ Cheongjin faced many cases of serious discrimination against Koreans as well. Like other colonial cities, almost all key developers and beneficiaries were Japanese. This situation became associated with discrimination in educational opportunities, which caused even the ‘pro-Japanese’ Chosun assemblymen of Cheongjin to tender resignations collectively.

A survey on issue of nationality for a Korean in Main China - Focused on negotiation of China, Japan, and France surrounding arrest of ‘Park Ui-il (朴義一)’ in Guangzhou(廣州) in 1933 -

Kim Kwang Jae | 2013, (110) | pp.391~446 | number of Cited : 4

On Oct. 12, 1933, as the police at Guangdong Japanese consulate arrested a naturalized Korean named Park Ui-il in Guangzhou Fuyincun, China, there was some diplomatic uproar between China, Japan, and France. Since then, for some 5 months, the three nations had done intense diplomatic severe battle with the issue of nationality of the Korean people and surrender. After Park Ui-il punished a Japanese spy in Shanghai, he was hidden in Gwangzhou due to chase of Japanese consulate police in Shanghai. Guangdong Japanese consulate advised from Japanese consulate in Shanghai arrested the Korean naturalized to China in the Chinese territory in illegal way without notice to Chinese authority. Korean people in Gwangzhou informed the fact to Guangdong government, censured Japanese activity to invade sovereignty of China, and requested immediate release of Park Ui-il. China also considered this accident as invasion of their sovereignty and posed hard attitude against Japan. Japan argued that they did not ‘arrest’ Park Ui-il but simply ‘voluntarily went with’ him, this had been practice. France denounced Japan that to arrest Korean naturalized to China in the Chinese territory is to neglect international practice. Since then, both nations of China and Japan could not decide nationality of Park Ui-il for some 5 months and repeated existing assertion. China insisted that as Park Ui-il naturalized to China legally, previous nationality of Japan naturally disappeared. On the contrary, Japan repeated that as Park Ui-il was not allowed for renunciation of his nationality, to naturalize to China is not effective so that he was still ‘Japanese people’. France gripped casting vote of the accident. Both countries of China and Japan could not decide nationality of Park Ui-il and France could not detain Park Ui-il arrested illegally continuously. What urged France to decide was that Park Ui-il went on a fast to find breakthrough for solving the accident. France driven into a corner released him in the form of banishment from French Concession 5 months later after he was arrested. Korean Park Ui-il with dual nationality - he was ‘Chinese people’ and at the same time was ‘Japanese people’ - could be completely free in the midst of conflict without compromise of China and Japan.

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The Review of Korean History 2023 KCI Impact Factor : 1.02

2013, Vol., No.110