2019, Vol.26, No.2

Journal of Asia-Pacific Studies 2023 KCI Impact Factor : 0.61

pISSN : 1225-8539 / eISSN : 2671-5171
https://journal.kci.go.kr/japs

This study reviewed the role of central and local governments, coal-mining business operators, and related research expert groups in the regeneration projects for coal-mining regions in Kushiro, Japan. Based on the comprehensive analysis, this study emphasized the significance of the Kushiro Regeneration Model that has been promoting coal-mining regions and communities regeneration projects, not only by utilizing region-cultural resource and coal-industrial heritage, but also by carrying out discovery, preservation and utilization on the memory of coal mine. Lastly, this study tried to present the political implications for discussing on the sustainable development in the revitalization of Korea’s abandoned coal-mining regions.

Since the reform and opening in 1978, China has made rapid economic growth and become a rising power. Entering a ‘period of strategic opportunity’ in around 2002, China has begun to use its economy strategically since 2004 to enhance its national power and create favorable international environment for it. For this purpose, China has taken advantage of its vast market, state-owned assets and socialist heritage to push for a qualitative transition in its economic development and reform of global economic governance. China has been pushing for global governance reforms not only within the existing institutions, such as the IMF, WB and WTO, but also outside the system by suggesting “Belt and Road” initiative and establishing MDBs such as AIIB and NDB. In addition to the multilateral-level reform efforts, China also sought to promote reforms at bilateral level using economic carrots and sticks. China seeks to promote its international status and realize the Chinese dream through the strategic utilization of its economy, forming a South-South coalition and linking its view on global governance to that of the United Nations via such a shared mandate as the establishment of a ‘new international economic order’ to secure its foreign policy legitimacy and defend its core national interests including development interests home and abroad.

This paper examines and prospects four scenarios over the future evolution of Russian electoral authoritarian regime via the consideration of politico-social and economic conditions of the ‘Putin system.’ In the dimension of politico-social condition, first of all, Putin currently seems to have few incentives in pursuing political and social reforms strong enough to damage the authority of his regime or even himself. In the dimension of economic condition, moreover, a large-scale economic reform cannot be attempted for Russian economy, as long as Putin will not actively reform the current electoral authoritarian system. Thus the day when economic development begins in Russia is still far-off. In this situation, both the options of transferring power to a heir and building the 2008-style diarchy seem not to be attempted because they cannot guarantee Putin’s political safety and he has to dismantle and reorganize the distribution of power and interest among the existing core elite clans. The evolution of ‘Putin system’ to a hegemonic party system in China or Mexico in the past is also difficult, considering the current status of United Russia. In contrast, the scenario of Central Asian model allowing a dictator to rule for life can be a reasonable option for Putin now, considering that this model will serve both the two core actors, Putin himself and other power elites’ interests, and Russia still entails several politico-social conditions favorable for its achievement. Therefore, the possibility that Putin will pursue the Central Asian model through one more constitutional amendment among the above four scenarios of evolution of the ‘Putin system’ is relatively high.